My relatives and my fellow Christians were murdered in the USSR under Jewish Marxism between 1917-1945, and many of the Marxists came to Russia from New York to do this to Christians in 1917 after Jacob Schiff, the Jewish anti-Christian maniac banker who owned The Guaranty National Trust, the largest bank in the United States, financed Lenin and Trotsky $35 million for the Red Revolution and the mass killing of these Christian souls. We must never forget this! Nicholas Utin, a Jew, the First Russian Marist, 1860's to 1870's.
Instrumental in Creating a Russian Section in the First Communist International.

'In the 1860s and '70s, Jewish activists occupied some of the highest positions in the fledgling Russian revolutionary movement. The "pioneer of Russian-Jewish revolutionary action" was Nicholas Utin, a baptised Jew who was instrumental in creating a Russian Section in the First International. Known as the first Russian Marxist, Utin was prominent in the struggle of the International's Marxian wing against the anarchistic tactics of Bakunin. '

-- Philip Mendes, THE NEW LEFT, THE JEWS AND THE VIETNAM WAR, 1965-1972, Lazare Press, North Caulfield, Victoria, Australia, p 10 from material printed originally in Parkin, A.L. The Origins of the Russian-Jewish Labour Movement. F.W.Cheshire Pty Ltd. Melbourne. 1947. p80.



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Jewish Founders of the Russian Social-Democratic Movement in 1883
Hesya Helfmann, Jewish Assassin of Czar Alexander

"Utin was followed by a great number of Jews including Mark Natanson, the founder of the Russian Narodnik movement, Paul Axeirod who together with George Plckahnov and Vera Zasulitch formed the "Triumvirate" of the founders of the Russian Social-Democratic movement in 1883, Rosalie Bograd who married Plekhanov, Meir Molodetsky, Gregory Goldenberg, Mw Deutch, Vladimir Jochelson, Aaron Sundelievitch, and Hesya Helfmann, who was among those sentenced to death for the assassination of Czar Alexander."

-- Philip Mendes, THE NEW LEFT, THE JEWS AND THE VIETNAM WAR, 1965-1972, Lazare Press, North Caulfield, Victoria, Australia, p 10 from information found in: Parkin, A.L. The Origins of the Russian-Jewish Labour Movement. F.W.Cheshire Pty Ltd. Melbourne. 1947. pp8O-84; Feuer, Op Cit, pp157-158; Ascher, Abraham. "Pavel Axelrod: A Conflict Between Jewish Loyalty and Revolutionary Dedication" in Russian Review 24 1965, pp249-265; Schapiro, Leonard. "The Role of the Jews in the Russian Revolutionary Movement" in Slavonic and East European Review 490 (Dec 1961), pp 148-167.



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Jewish Socialism in 1980-1900.
Revolutionary Emotion and Socialist Protests Among Jewish Student Youth.

'In the following two decades - in the '80s and '90s - the "explosion of revolutionary emotion among Jewish student youth" crystallised into a movement of Jewish socialism, the first of its kind in Jewish history.'4 Patkin traces the origins of "Jewish Socialism" to the "two explosive elements - mass misery and intellectual doctrine" which had existed in Jewish life for many previous generations. These explosive elements had often produced mass revolts against the rich and the powerful in communal affairs, one example being the emergence of the Chassidic movement, Jewish socialism reflected the extension of Chassidism as a doctrine "for the poor" into a "revolutionary situation of social protest and resentment."'

-- Philip Mendes, THE NEW LEFT, THE JEWS AND THE VIETNAM WAR, 1965-1972, Lazare Press, North Caulfield, Victoria, Australia, p 10, from material gathered in Parkin, A.L. The Origins of the Russian-Jewish Labour Movement. F.W.Cheshire Pty Ltd. Melbourne. 1947. p80.



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THE JEWISH GULAG WORK CAMPS FOR THEIR USSR POLITICAL PRISONERS

http://sunsite.unc.edu/expo/soviet.exhibit/gulag.html Found on this site on July 12, 1998

The Soviet system of forced labor camps was first established in 1919 under the Cheka, but it was not until the early 1930s that the camp population reached significant numbers. By 1934 the GULAG, or Main Directorate for Corrective Labor Camps, then under the Cheka's successor organization the NKVD, had several million inmates. Prisoners included murderers, thieves, and other common criminals-along with political and religious dissenters. The GULAG, whose camps were located mainly in remote regions of Siberia and the Far North, made significant contributions to the Soviet economy in the period of Joseph Stalin. GULAG prisoners constructed the White Sea-Baltic Canal, the Moscow-Volga Canal, the Baikal-Amur main railroad line, numerous hydroelectric stations, and strategic roads and industrial enterprises in remote regions. GULAG manpower was also used for much of the country's lumbering and for the mining of coal, copper, and gold. Stalin constantly increased the number of projects assigned to the NKVD, which led to an increasing reliance on its labor. The GULAG also served as a source of workers for economic projects independent of the NKVD, which contracted its prisoners out to various economic enterprises. Conditions in the camps were extremely harsh. Prisoners received inadequate food rations and insufficient clothing, which made it difficult to endure the severe weatherand the long working hours; sometimes the inmates were physically abused by camp guards. As a result, the death rate from exhaustion and disease in the camps was high. After Stalin died in 1953, the GULAG population was reduced significantly, and conditions for inmates somewhat improved. Forced labor camps continued to exist, although on a small scale, into the Gorbachev period, and the government even opened some camps to scrutiny by journalists and human rights activists. With the advance of democratization, political prisoners and prisoners of conscience all but disappeared from the camps. [NOTE: The communists had their concentration camps in service since 1919 all the way up to and including the Gorbachev period.]


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INHUMANE CONDITIONS IN THE GULAG SYSTEM INVENTED BY JEWS RUNNING THE USSR:

http://sunsite.unc.edu/expo/soviet.exhi ... resid.html Found on this site on July 12, 1998

To the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) We appeal to you, asking you to pay a minimum of attention to our request. We are prisoners who are returning from the Solovetsky concentration camp because of our poor health. We went there full of energy and good health, and now we are returning as invalids, broken and crippled emotionally and physically. We are asking you to draw your attention to the arbitrary use of power and the violence that reign at the Solovetsky concentration camp in Kemi and in all sections of the concentration camp. It is difficult for a human being even to imagine such terror, tyranny, violence, and lawlessness. When we went there, we could not conceive of such a horror, and now we, crippled ourselves, together with several thousands who are still there, appeal to the ruling center of the Soviet state to curb the terror that reigns there. As though it weren't enough that the Unified State Political Directorate [OGPU] without oversight and due process sends workers and peasants there who are by and large innocent (we are not talking about criminals who deserve to be punished), the former tsarist penal servitude system in comparison to Solovky had 99% more humanity, fairness, and legality. [...] People die like flies, i.e., they die a slow and painful death; we repeat that all this torment and suffering is placed only on the shoulders of the proletariat without money, i.e., on workers who, we repeat, were unfortunate to find themselves in the period of hunger and destruction accompanying the events of the October Revolution, and who committed crimes only to save themselves and their families from death by starvation; they have already borne the punishment for these crimes, and the vast majority of them subsequently chose the path of honest labor. Now because of their past, for whose crime they have already paid, they are fired from their jobs. Yet, the main thing is that the entire weight of this scandalous abuse of power, brute violence, and lawlessness that reign at Solovky and other sections of the OGPU concentration camp is placed on the shoulders of workers and peasants; others, such as counterrevolutionaries, profiteers and so on, have full wallets and have set themselves up and live in clover in the Soviet State, while next to them, in the literal meaning of the word, the penniless proletariat dies from hunger, cold, and back-breaking 14-16 hour days under the tyranny and lawlessness of inmates who are the agents and collaborators of the State Political Directorate [GPU]. If you complain or write anything ("Heaven forbid"), they will frame you for an attempted escape or for something else, and they will shoot you like a dog. They line us up naked and barefoot at 22 degrees below zero and keep us outside for up to an hour. It is difficult to describe all the chaos and terror that is going on in Kemi, Solovky, and the other sections of the concentrations camp. All annual inspections uncover a lot of abuses. But what they discover in comparison to what actually exists is only a part of the horror and abuse of power, which the inspection accidently uncovers. (One example is the following fact, one of a thousand, which is registered in GPU and for which the guilty have been punished: THEY FORCED THE INMATES TO EAT THEIR OWN FECES. "Comrades," if we dare to use this phrase, verify that this is a fact from reality, about which, we repeat, OGPU has the official evidence, and judge for yourself the full extent of effrontery and humiliation in the supervision by those who want to make a career for themselves. [...] We are sure and we hope that in the All-Union Communist Party there are people, as we have been told, who are humane and sympathetic; it is possible, that you might think that it is our imagination, but we swear to you all, by everything that is sacred to us, that this is only one small part of the nightmarish truth, because it makes no sense to make this up. We repeat, and will repeat 100 times, that yes, indeed there are some guilty people, but the majority suffer innocently, as is described above. The word law, according to the law of the GPU concentration camps, does not exist; what does exist is only the autocratic power of petty tyrants, i.e., collaborators, serving time, who have power over life and death. Everything described above is the truth and we, ourselves, who are close to the grave after 3 years in Solovky and Kemi and other sections, are asking you to improve the pathetic, tortured existence of those who are there who languish under the yoke of the OGPU's tyranny, violence, and complete lawlessness....

To this we subscribe: G. Zheleznov, Vinogradov, F. Belinskii.

Dec. 14, 1926

True copy


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Christians Arrested by Jewish Bolshviks Are Still Prisoners of Injustice The Sunday Times of London, June 28 1998


by Mark Franchetti Vorkuta


Original Source for This Story Was Found on the Internet, July 2, 1998, at this Link: http://www.sunday-times.co.uk/news/page ... ml?1500530


Stalin's Forgotten Prisoners...

THROUGHOUT his tortuous 10 years of hard labour in Stalin's gulag, Pavel Negretov dreamt of the new life that would begin on the day he finished his sentence for anti-communist activities. Still a young man, he imagined himself starting afresh in Moscow, far from the horrors he had endured. That new life never came. More than half a century later, Negretov remains stranded in Vorkuta, in the Arctic Circle, where he was sent to work in barbaric conditions in the coalmines of Russia's far north. Now 75, he has yet to be granted the residence permit he needs to move with his wife to the Russian capital. Negretov is not alone. Hundreds of former opponents of Stalin's dictatorship, including 250 in Vorkuta, have been left to their hard lives in remote regions to which they were exiled in the 1930s and 1940s. Most have struggled ever since to return to their home towns and villages. Thousands have died of old age without being allowed to resettle. "There are queues of former political prisoners waiting to leave Vorkuta," said Yevgenia Khaidarova, of the local branch of Memorial, a human rights organisation that helps victims of Soviet repression. "The scene is the same all over Russia. These people are caught in limbo, living in a terrible vicious circle - they can't resettle without a propiska [residence permit], which they could get only if they had a flat in the city they wanted to go back to." Those dispatched to the gulag had their flats confiscated by the authorities. With their homes, they lost their right to live in the places where they had grown up with their families. If they were affluent, they could buy a privatised flat. Deprived long ago of any opportunity to establish themselves, however, they are poor. If they moved without an official permit, they would have no legal right to work or to receive vital benefits, including healthcare. Like the overwhelming majority of Russians, they depend on the state to provide them with homes. So they wait in the frozen Arctic, hoping forlornly that one day the state will find them a flat somewhere - anywhere - other than Vorkuta. Isolated from the outside world by inhospitable tundra, 100 miles north of the Arctic Circle and more than 1,000 miles from Moscow, Vorkuta is a place where winter lasts for 10 months and the temperature falls regularly to -40C. It is completely dark for weeks on end. Like the other labour camps scattered across the northern wastes and christened the gulag archipelago by Alexander Solzhenitsyn, a camp survivor himself, Vorkuta was uninhabited until geologists found huge coal reserves beneath its frozen earth. Slave labour was the only way to develop the mineral wealth. The first prisoners were sent to Vorkuta in 1931 on a journey that took six months and claimed thousands of lives. They were crammed first into cattle trains, then onto barges along several rivers and completed the last 50 miles on foot. Between 1934 and 1954 2m were sent away to toil in Vorkuta's 80 mines - petty criminals, political opponents of Stalin and the hapless, innocent victims of senseless purges, "guilty" of anything from simply being related to a foreigner to having turned up late for work. "My first year and a half was the hardest," recalled Negretov, who arrived in Vorkuta at the height of winter after being arrested in Ukraine in 1946 for collaborating with an anti-communist group. "I thought I had landed in hell. "There were three shifts of eight hours. We were escorted at gunpoint in the snow from our barracks to the mines. It was always pitch-dark, with freezing temperatures, but the wind was the most terrible thing. I used to wonder why my parents had brought me into this world. I was skin and bones, and covered in ulcers." The inmates slept in pairs to keep warm, using one jacket as a mattress on the floor and the other as a blanket. "We kept our boots under our heads to stop other prisoners from stealing them, and pulled our trousers down over our feet to prevent frostbite," Negretov said. "Every morning an angry corporal would wake us up, shouting. That was the worst time - waking up to another day, exhausted." Every day in Vorkuta, prisoners starved, froze to death, were executed by guards or were killed digging in the mines. Memorial, which was headed by Andrei Sakharov, the dissident nuclear physicist, until his death in 1989, has obtained access to archives in an attempt to calculate the toll. The initial estimate is half a million dead. Today, the graves are marked by numbered, nameless wooden crosses in seven cemeteries that surround a city of 180,000 people built on bones. "I have been here 52 years, and I have dreamt all my life of living in a city like Moscow or St Petersburg," said Negretov. "Our state has no conscience. It has forgotten about us and the Russian people as a whole. We have no democracy, only greed for more power. And who is Boris Yeltsin? A former Communist party boss. Power has not changed hands." Since the advent of glasnost, the Russian government has rehabilitated most former zeks - as gulag inmates were known - formally recognising them as innocent victims of repression and providing them with minimal compensation and the right to a proper pension. But it has done little to help them resettle. Negretov fought until 1995 to be rehabilitated. He was awarded